Abstract
This chapter examines the gulf between policy and practice during the 1945-1961 period. It emphasises the inherent contradictions of an era of attempted assimilation by highlighting independent Aboriginal activity which, to a great extent, traces its roots to the experiences of the Second World War.
The end of the Second World War provided the spark for increased Black Australian urbanisation, activism and self-determination.
The picture which Calley paints of Aboriginal station life in northern New South Wales is remarkably similar. For example, wage exploitation of Black Australians was ubiquitous:
During 1954, rates of pay for Aboriginal workers in the … area were about half of those demanded and received by white employees doing the same work … Frequently Aboriginal employees were persuaded to take cheap wine (sweet sherry or muscat) in lieu of part of the wage due to them.
Almost identical racial stereotypes are invoked by the Europeans (‘the mixed blood is not worth as much as a white employee … he does not work as hard and is “unpunctual”[185] ) and there is a similar Aboriginal attitude to paid labour (‘work is undertaken to gain leisure … leisure is regarded as the normal state, and work, something which regrettably interferes with it’[186] ). It is obvious that as in the case of the South Coast part-Aboriginal communities, those in northern New South Wales and indeed, fringe-dwelling groups throughout Australia, adhered to a lifestyle which was in so many ways inimical to both the theoretical possibility, and the actual policy, of assimilation.
It is natural that the widespread poverty of these communities and the racial rejection of their inhabitants caused many health problems, numerous hardships and much unhappiness. What is perhaps more surprising is to find the pride, solidarity and defiance which survived alongside this despair and alienation. The Pilbara and Darwin strikes exemplified one form of committed defiance, but there were many other forms of rebellion and assertion, often of a personal nature. For example, a number of commentators have noted the prominence of Aboriginal boxers in the sporting world of the 1940s and 1950s.[187] The successes of fighters like Ron Richards and Dave Sands were an inspiration for hundreds of young Aborigines who entered the ring in the post-war era. Even Calley noted the distinctive ethic of the fringe-dwellers of northern New South Wales, many of whom considered themselves ‘first and foremost to be boxers’.[188]
Significantly, success in this sport conferred prestige in White Australian society as well; it was one way of vaulting over the caste barrier. Champions in the ring were heroes to both White and Black Australians, as Corris has noted:
The crowds roared for them – Bennett, Hassen and Sands – as they had roared for Ron Richards. Their exploitation went unnoticed in the days of their success for they were part of a new boom in Australian boxing which began during World War II and rolled on into the 1950s.[189]
24/5/11
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